Obama to Outline Asia Approach in Tokyo Speech

歐巴馬11/14/2009 演說(中文全文在後!)

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Obama to Outline Asia Approach in Tokyo Speech
Text of President Obama's Speech
By VOA News , 14 November 2009

Good morning. It is a great honor to be in Tokyo-the first stop on my first visit to Asia as President. It's good to be among so many of you - Japanese and Americans - who work every day to strengthen the bonds between our two countries, including my longtime friend and our new ambassador to Japan, John Roos.

It is wonderful to be back in Japan. When I was a young boy, my mother brought me to Kamakura, where I looked up at that centuries-old symbol of peace and tranquility - the great bronze Amida Buddha. As a child, I was more focused on the matcha ice cream. But I have never forgotten the warmth and hospitality that the Japanese people showed a young American far from home.

I feel that same spirit on this visit. In the gracious welcome of Prime Minister Hatoyama. In the honor of meeting with Their Imperial Majesties, the Emperor and Empress on the 20th anniversary of his accession to the Chrysanthemum Throne. In the hospitality shown by the Japanese people. And of course, I could not come here without sending greetings and my gratitude to the citizens of Obama, Japan.

I am beginning my journey here for a simple reason. Since taking office, I have worked to renew American leadership and pursue a new era of engagement with the world based on mutual interests and mutual respect. And our efforts in the Asia Pacific will be rooted, in no small measure, through an enduring and revitalized alliance between the United States and Japan.

From my first days in office, we have worked to strengthen the ties that bind our nations. The first foreign leader that I welcomed to the White House was the prime minister of Japan, and for the first time in nearly fifty years, the first foreign trip by an American secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, was to Asia, starting in Japan.

In two months, our alliance will mark its 50th anniversary - a day when President Dwight Eisenhower stood next to Japan's Prime Minister and said that our two nations were creating an indestructible partnership based on equality and mutual understanding.

In the half century since, that alliance has endured as a foundation of our security and prosperity. It has helped us become the world's two largest economies, with Japan emerging as America's second-largest trading partner outside of North America. It has evolved as Japan has played a larger role on the world stage, and made important contributions to stability around the world - from reconstruction in Iraq, to combating piracy off the Horn of Africa, to assistance for the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan - most recently through its remarkable leadership in providing additional commitments to international development efforts there.

Above all, our alliance has endured because it reflects our common values - a belief in the democratic right of free people to choose their own leaders and realize their own dreams; a belief that made possible the election of both Prime Minister Hatoyama and myself on the promise of change. And together, we are committed to providing a new generation of leadership for our people, and our alliance.

That is why, at this critical moment in history, the two of us have not only reaffirmed our alliance - we have agreed to deepen it. We have agreed to move expeditiously through a joint working group to implement the agreement that our two governments reached on restructuring US forces in Okinawa. And as our alliance evolves and adapts for the future, we will always strive to uphold the spirit that President Eisenhower described long ago - a partnership of equality and mutual respect.

But while our commitment to this region begins in Japan, it does not end here. The United States of America may have started as a series of ports and cities along the Atlantic, but for generations we also have been a nation of the Pacific. Asia and the United States are not separated by this great ocean; we are bound by it. We are bound by our past - by the Asian immigrants who helped build America, and the generations of Americans in uniform who have served and sacrificed to keep this region secure and free. We are bound by our shared prosperity - by the trade and commerce upon which millions of jobs and families depend. And we are bound by our people - by the Asian Americans who enrich every segment of American life. and all the people whose lives, like our countries, are interwoven.

My own life is a part of that story. I am an American President who was born in Hawaii and lived in Indonesia as a boy. My sister Maya was born in Jakarta, and later married a Chinese-Canadian. My mother spent nearly a decade working in the villages of Southeast Asia, helping women buy a sewing machine or an education that might give them a foothold in the world economy. So the Pacific rim has helped shape my view of the world.

Since that time, perhaps no region has changed as swiftly or dramatically. Controlled economies have given way to open markets. Dictatorships have become democracies. Living standards have risen while poverty has plummeted. And through all these changes, the fortunes of America and the Asia Pacific have become more closely linked than ever before.

So I want every American to know that we have a stake in the future of this region, because what happens here has a direct affect on our lives at home. This is where we engage in much of our commerce and buy many of our goods. And this is where we can export more of our own products and create jobs back home in the process. This is a place where the risk of a nuclear arms race threatens the security of the wider world, and where extremists who defile a great religion plan attacks on both our continents. And there can be no solution to our energy security and our climate challenge without the rising powers and developing nations of the Asia Pacific.

To meet these common challenges, the United States looks to strengthen old alliances and build new partnerships with the nations of this region. To do this, we look to America's treaty alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand and the Philippines - alliances that are not historical documents from a bygone era, but abiding commitments to each other that are fundamental to our shared security.

These alliances continue to provide the bedrock of security and stability that has allowed the nations and peoples of this region to pursue opportunity and prosperity that was unimaginable at the time of my first visit to Japan. And even as American troops are engaged in two wars around the world, our commitment to Japan's security and to Asian security is unshakeable, and it can be seen in our deployments throughout the region -above all, through our young men and women in uniform

We look to emerging nations that are poised to play a larger role - both in the Asia Pacific region and the wider world. Places like Indonesia and Malaysia that have adopted democracy, developed their economies, and tapped the great potential of their own people.

We look to rising powers with the view that in the 21st century, the national security and economic growth of one country need not come at the expense of another. I know there are many who question how the United States perceives China's emergence. But as I have said - in an inter-connected world, power does not need to be a zero-sum game, and nations need not fear the success of another. Cultivating spheres of cooperation - not competing spheres of influence - will lead to progress in the Asia Pacific.

As with any nation, America will approach China with a focus on our interests. And it is precisely for this reason that it is important to pursue pragmatic cooperation with China on issues of mutual concern - because no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century alone, and the United States and China will both be better off when we are able to meet them together. That is why we welcome China's efforts to play a greater role on the world stage - a role in which their growing economy is joined by growing responsibility. China's partnership has proved critical in our effort to jumpstart economic recovery. China has promoted security and stability in Afghanistan and Pakistan. And it is now committed to the global nonproliferation regime, and supporting the pursuit of the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.

So the United States does not seek to contain China, nor does a deeper relationship with China mean a weakening of our bilateral alliances. On the contrary, the rise of a strong, prosperous China can be a source of strength for the community of nations. And so in Beijing and beyond, we will work to deepen our Strategic and Economic Dialogue, and improve communication between our militaries. We will not agree on every issue, and the United States will never waver in speaking up for the fundamental values that we hold dear - and that includes respect for the religion and cultures of all people. Because support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America. But we can move these discussions forward in a spirit of partnership rather than rancor.

In addition to our bilateral relations, we also believe that the growth of multilateral organizations can advance the security and prosperity of this region. I know that the United States has been disengaged from these organizations in recent years. So let me be clear: those days have passed. As an Asia Pacific nation, the United States expects to be involved in the discussions that shape the future of this region, and to participate fully in appropriate organizations as they are established and evolve.

That is the work that I will begin on this trip. The Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum will continue to promote regional commerce and prosperity, and I look forward to participating in that forum tomorrow. ASEAN will remain a catalyst for Southeast Asian dialogue, cooperation and security, and I look forward to becoming the first American President to meet with all ten of its leaders. And the United States looks forward to engaging with the East Asia Summit more formally as it plays a role in addressing the challenges of our time.

We seek this deeper and broader engagement because we know our collective future depends on it. And I'd like to speak for a bit about what that future can look like, and what we must do to advance our prosperity, our security, and our universal values and aspirations.

First, we must strengthen our economic recovery, and pursue growth that is both balanced and sustained.

The quick, unprecedented and coordinated action taken by Asia Pacific nations and others has averted economic catastrophe, and helped us begin to emerge from the worst recession in generations. And we have taken the historic step of reforming our international economic architecture, so that the G-20 is now the premier forum for international economic cooperation.
This shift to the G-20 - along with the greater voice that is being given to Asian nations in international financial institutions - clearly demonstrates the broader and more inclusive engagement that America seeks in the 21st century. And as a key member of the G-8, Japan has and will continue to play a leading role in shaping the future of the international financial architecture.

Now that we are on the brink of economic recovery, we must also ensure that it can be sustained. We simply cannot return to the same cycles of boom and bust that led us into a global recession. We cannot follow the same policies that led to such imbalanced growth. One of the important lessons this recession has taught us is the limits of depending primarily on American consumers and Asian exports to drive growth. Because when Americans found themselves in debt or out of work, demand for Asian goods plummeted. When demand fell sharply, exports from this region fell sharply. Since the economies of this region are so dependent on exports, they stopped growing. And the global recession only deepened.

We have now reached one of those rare inflection points in history where we have the opportunity to take a different path. And that must begin with the G20 pledge that we made in Pittsburgh to pursue a new strategy for balanced economic growth.

I'll be saying more about this in Singapore, but in the United States, this new strategy will mean saving more and spending less, reforming our financial system and reducing our long-term deficit. It will also mean a greater emphasis on exports that we can build, produce, and sell all over the world. For America, this is a jobs strategy. Right now, our exports support millions upon millions of well-paying American jobs. Increasing those exports by just a small amount has the potential to create millions more. These are jobs making everything from wind turbines and solar panels to the technology you use every day.

For Asia, striking this better balance will provide an opportunity for workers and consumers to enjoy higher standards of living that their remarkable increases in productivity have made possible. It will allow for greater investments in housing, infrastructure, and the service sector. And a more balanced global economy will lead to prosperity that reaches further and deeper.

For decades, the United States has had one of the most open markets in the world, and that openness has helped fuel the success of so many countries in this region and others over the last century. In this new era, opening other markets around the globe will be critical not just to America's prosperity, but to the world's.

An integral part of this new strategy is working toward an ambitious and balanced Doha agreement - not any agreement, but an agreement that will open up markets and increase exports around the world. We are ready to work with our Asian partners to see if we can achieve that objective in a timely fashion - and we invite our regional trading partners to join us at the table.

We also believe that continued integration of the economies of this region will benefit workers, consumers, and businesses in all of our nations. Together, with our South Korean friends, we will work through the issues necessary to move forward on a trade agreement with them. The United States will also be engaging with the Trans Pacific partnership countries with the goal of shaping a regional agreement that will have broad-based membership and the high standards worthy of a 21st century trade agreement.

Working in partnership, this is how we can sustain this recovery and advance our common prosperity. But it's not enough to pursue growth that is balanced. We also need growth that is sustainable - for our planet and the future generations that will live here.

Already, the United States has taken more steps to combat climate change in ten months than we have in our recent history: by embracing the latest science, investing in new energy, raising efficiency standards, forging new partnerships, and engaging in international climate negotiations. In short, America knows there is more work to do - but we are meeting our responsibility, and will continue to do so.

That includes striving for success in Copenhagen. I have no illusions that this will be easy, but the contours of a way forward are clear. All nations must accept their responsibility. Those nations - like my own - who have been the leading emitters must have clear reduction targets. Developing countries will need to take substantial actions to curb their emissions, aided by finance and technology. And there must be transparency and accountability for domestic actions.

Each of us must do what we can to grow our economies without endangering our planet - and we must do it together. But the good news is that if we put the right rules and incentives in place, it will unleash the creative power of our best scientists, engineers, and entrepreneurs. It will lead to new jobs, new businesses, and entire new industries.

Yet, even as we confront this challenge of the 21st century, we must also redouble our efforts to meet a threat to our security that is the legacy of the 20th century - the danger posed by nuclear weapons.

In Prague, I affirmed America's commitment to rid the world of nuclear weapons, and laid out a comprehensive agenda to pursue this goal. I am pleased that Japan has joined us in this effort. No two nations on Earth know better what these weapons can do, and together we must seek a future without them. This is fundamental to our common security, and this is a great test of our common humanity. Our very future hangs in the balance.

Let me be clear: so long as these weapons exist, the United States will maintain a strong and effective nuclear deterrent that guarantees the defense of our allies - including South Korea and Japan.

But we must recognize that an escalating nuclear arms race in this region would undermine decades of growing security and prosperity. So we are called upon to uphold the basic bargain of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty - that all nations have a right to peaceful nuclear energy; that nations with nuclear weapons have a responsibility to move toward nuclear disarmament; and those without them have the responsibility to forsake them.

Indeed, Japan serves as an example to the world that true peace and power can be achieved by taking this path. For decades, Japan has enjoyed the benefits of peaceful nuclear energy, while rejecting nuclear arms development - and by any measure, this has increased Japan's security, and enhanced its position.

To meet our responsibilities - and move forward with the agenda I laid out in Prague - we have passed a unanimous UN Security Council resolution embracing this international effort. We are pursuing a new agreement with Russia to reduce our nuclear stockpiles. We will work to ratify and bring into force the Test Ban Treaty. And next year at our Nuclear Security Summit, we will advance our goal of securing all of the world's vulnerable nuclear materials within four years.

As I have said before, strengthening the global nonproliferation regime is not about singling out individual nations. It is about all nations living up to their responsibilities. That includes the Islamic Republic of Iran. And it includes North Korea.

For decades, North Korea has chosen a path of confrontation and provocation, including the pursuit of nuclear weapons. It should be clear where that path leads. We have tightened sanctions on Pyongyang. We have passed the most sweeping UN Security Council resolution to date to restrict their weapons of mass destruction activities. We will not be cowed by threats, and we will continue to send a clear message through our actions, and not just our words: North Korea's refusal to meet its international obligations will lead only to less security - not more.

Yet there is another path that can be taken. Working in tandem with our partners - and supported by direct diplomacy - the United States is prepared to offer North Korea a different future. Instead of an isolation that has compounded the horrific repression of its own people, North Korea could have a future of international integration. Instead of gripping poverty, it could have a future of economic opportunity - where trade, investment and tourism can offer the North Korean people the chance at a better life. And instead of increasing insecurity, it could have a future of greater security and respect. This respect cannot be earned through belligerence. It must be reached by a nation that takes its place in the international community by fully living up to its international obligations.

The path for North Korea to realize this future is clear: a return to the Six-Party Talks; upholding previous commitments, including a return to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty; and the full and verifiable denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. And full normalization with its neighbors can only come if Japanese families receive a full accounting of those who have been abducted. These are all steps that can be taken by the North Korean government, if they are interested in improving the lives of their people and joining the community of nations.

And as we are vigilant in confronting this challenge, we will stand with all of our Asian partners in combating the transnational threats of the 21st century: by rooting out the extremists who slaughter the innocent, and stopping the piracy that threatens our sea lanes; by enhancing our efforts to stop infectious disease, and working to end extreme poverty in our time; and by shutting down the traffickers who exploit women, children and migrants, and putting a stop to this scourge of modern-day slavery once and for all.

Indeed, the final area in which we must work together is in upholding the fundamental rights and dignity of all human beings.

The Asia Pacific region is rich with many cultures. It is marked by extraordinary traditions and strong national histories. And time and again, we have seen the remarkable talent and drive of the peoples of this region in advancing human progress. Yet this much is also clear - indigenous cultures and economic growth have not been stymied by respect for human rights, they have been strengthened by it. Supporting human rights provides lasting security that cannot be purchased in any other way - that is the story that can be seen in Japan's democracy, just as it can be seen in America's.

The longing for liberty and dignity is a part of the story of all peoples. For there are certain aspirations that human beings hold in common: the freedom to speak your mind, and choose your leaders; the ability to access information, and worship how you please; confidence in the rule of law, and the equal administration of justice. These are not impediments to stability, they are its cornerstones. And we will always stand on the side of those who seek these rights.

That truth guides our new approach to Burma. Despite years of good intentions, neither sanctions by the United States nor engagement by others succeeded in improving the lives of the Burmese people. So we are now communicating directly with the leadership to make it clear that existing sanctions will remain until there are concrete steps toward democratic reform. We support a Burma that is unified, peaceful, prosperous, and democratic. And as Burma moves in that direction, a better relationship with the United States is possible.

There are clear steps that must be taken - the unconditional release of all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi; an end to conflicts with minority groups; and a genuine dialogue between the government, the democratic opposition and minority groups on a shared vision for the future. That is how a government in Burma will be able to respond to the needs of its people. That is the path that will bring Burma true security and prosperity.

These are the steps that the United States will take to improve prosperity, security, and human dignity in the Asia Pacific. We will do so through our close friendship with Japan - which will always be a centerpiece of our efforts in the region. We will do so as a partner - through the broader engagement that I have discussed today. We will do so as a Pacific nation - with a President who was shaped in part by this piece of the globe. And we will do so with the same sense of purpose that has guided our ties with the Japanese people for nearly fifty years.

The story of how these ties were forged dates back to the middle of the last century, some time after the guns of war had quieted in the Pacific. It was then that America's commitment to the security and stability of Japan, along with the Japanese peoples' spirit of resilience and industriousness, led to what has been called the Japanese Miracle - a period of economic growth that was faster and more robust than anything the world had seen for some time.

In the coming years and decades, this Miracle would spread throughout the region, and in a single generation, the lives and fortunes of millions were forever changed for the better. It is progress that has been supported by a hard-earned peace, and strengthened by new bridges of mutual understanding that have bound together the nations of this vast and sprawling space.

But we know that there is still work to be done - so that new breakthroughs in science and technology can lead to jobs on both sides of the Pacific, and security from a warming planet; so that we reverse the spread of deadly weapons, and - on a divided peninsula - the people of the South can be freed from fear, while those in the north can live free from want; so that a young girl van be valued not for her body but for her mind, and so that young people everywhere can go as far as their talent, their drive, and their choices will take them.

None of this will come easy, nor without setback or struggle. But at this moment of renewal - in this land of miracles - history tells us it is possible. This is America's agenda. This is the purpose of our partnership - with Japan, and with the nations and peoples of this region. And there must be no doubt: as America's first Pacific President, I promise you that this Pacific nation will strengthen and sustain our leadership in this vitally important part of the world. Thank you very much.

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歐巴馬總統在東京發表演講(全文)

歐巴馬總統:各位早安。十分榮幸來到東京,我作為美國總統首次亞洲之行的第一站。謝謝。來到你們這麼多人中間感到十分高興,這裏有日本人,我還看見一些美國人。大家每天都在為增強我們兩國間的關係而工作,包括我的老朋友和新任駐日大使約翰.魯斯(John Roos)。

再次來到日本真令人高興。我小時候,母親帶我來過鐮倉,在那裏,我抬頭望見歷史悠久的和平與安寧的象徵——巨大的青銅阿彌陀佛。作為一個孩子,抹茶冰淇淋對我更有吸引力。但我從未忘記日本人民對一個遠離家鄉的美國孩子所表現的熱情好客。

在此次訪問期間,我感受到了同樣的熱情。因為鳩山首相給予了殷勤的接待。我還有幸在天皇即位20周年之際會見天皇和皇后陛下。日本人民也展示了熱情好客的風貌。當然,我來到這裏不可能不向日本小濱市(Obama)市民表示我的問候和感激之情。

我的亞洲之行從這裏開始,理由很簡單。我自就職以來,就努力恢復美國的主導地位,在共同利益和相互尊重的基礎上尋求與世界交往的新時代。而我們在亞太地區的努力在很大程度上將植根於美日之間歷久彌新的同盟關係。
從我就職之初開始,我就努力加強緊密聯繫我們兩國的關係。我在白宮迎接來訪的首位外國領導人就是日本首相,而且,國務卿希拉蕊.柯林頓的首次出訪目的地是亞洲,首站為日本,這是將近50年來美國國務卿第一次這樣做。

再過兩個月,我們的同盟將慶祝50周年紀念日,50年前的這一天,德懷特.艾森豪(Dwight Eisenhower)總統與日本首相並肩而立,他並指出,我們兩國正在建立基於平等和相互理解的牢不可破的夥伴關係。

在此後半個世紀中,這一同盟作為兩國安全與繁榮的基礎持續至今。這一同盟幫助我們成為世界上最大的兩個經濟體,日本成為美國在北美以外的最大的貿易夥伴。隨著日本在世界舞臺上發揮更大的作用,這一同盟關係也不斷演變,對世界各地的穩定作出了重大貢獻——從伊拉克重建到在非洲之角沿海地區打擊海盜活動,乃至向阿富汗和巴基斯坦人民提供援助,最近一次則是在進一步承諾支援該地區的國際發展努力中發揮了重大的帶頭作用。

最重要的是,我們的同盟經受得住考驗,因為它反映了我們共同的價值觀——一種對自由的人民自行選擇領導人並實現自己的夢想的民主權利之信念; 一種讓鳩山首相和我自己能以誓言變革而競選成功的信念。讓我們同心協力,為我們的人民和我們的同盟發揮新一代領導人的作用。

正是出於這個原因,在這個歷史的緊要關頭,我們兩人不僅再次肯定了我們的同盟——還同意深化這種同盟。我們已經同意,將透過聯合工作小組加速實施我們兩國政府就調整駐沖繩美軍問題達成的協定。在我們的同盟不斷發展並適應未來的過程中,我們始終不遺餘力地維護艾森豪總統很久以前闡明的那種精神,即一種平等且相互尊重的夥伴關係。

我們在本地區的承諾雖然以日本為開端,但並不以這裏為終點。美利堅合眾國雖然發源於大西洋沿岸的一系列港口和城市,但我們世世代代始終是一個太平洋國家。亞洲和美國並沒有被太平洋阻斷,而是被太平洋聯繫在一起。我們依靠歷史聯繫在一起——透過為建設美國而出力的亞洲移民,還有一代又一代為保障這個地區的安全和自由而服役並做出奉獻的美國軍人。我們依靠共同繁榮聯繫在一起——貿易和商業與千百萬個就業機會和眾多家庭的生計息息相關。我們依靠我們的人民聯繫在一起——那些豐富了美國生活各個層面的美國亞裔人士,還有各自生活彼此交融在一起的所有的人,就像我們各個國家緊密相連一樣。

我的人生經歷就是這個歷程的一部分。我作為美國總統,出生在夏威夷,年少時曾在印尼生活過。我妹妹馬雅(Maya)出生在雅加達,後來嫁給了一位加拿大籍華人。我母親在東南亞地區的村莊裏工作了近十年,幫助婦女購買縫紉機或接受教育,使她們有可能在世界經濟中取得一個立足之地。因此,太平洋周邊地區影響了我的世界觀的形成。

從那時至今,也許沒有任何一個地區的變化是如此之快、如此之大。統制經濟已讓位給開放的市場。專制政權轉變成民主制度。生活水準上升,貧困程度下降。通過所有這些變化,美國和亞太地區的命運比以往更加緊密地聯繫在一起。

因此,我希望美國每一個人都知道,這個地區的未來與我們利害攸關,因為這裏發生的一切對我們國內的生活有著直接的影響。在這裏,我們從事大量的商務活動,購進了大多數商品。在這裏,我們可以出口更多的美國產品,這個過程也為國內創造了就業機會。在這裏,核武競賽的危險威脅著整個世界的安全。在這裏,玷污了一個偉大宗教的極端主義份子試圖策劃對我們兩大洲發動襲擊。沒有亞太地區崛起的大國和開發中國家的參與,就不會有解決能源安全和因應氣候挑戰的辦法。

為了因應這些共同的挑戰,美國尋求與本地區國家鞏固已有的同盟並建立新的夥伴關係。為此,我們需依靠美國與日本、韓國、澳洲、泰國和菲律賓達成的盟約——這些盟約不依靠過時的歷史文獻,而要求堅持對我們的共同安全有著根本意義、具有相互約束力的承諾。

這些同盟關係繼續為本地區的國家和人民奠定了安全與穩定的基礎,使他們得以追求機會和繁榮,而這些在我第一次訪問日本時是根本無法想像的。即使美國軍隊正在這個世界上捲入了兩場戰爭,我們對於日本和亞洲的安全承諾仍然不可動搖。這可以從我們在整個地區的部署中清楚地看到——尤其是經由我們的年輕男女士兵。我為他們感到驕傲。

我們看到,新興國家正蓄勢待發,準備在亞太地區以至全世界發揮更大的作用,如印尼和馬來西亞等國已採取民主制度,發展其經濟,並希望挖掘出本國人民的巨大潛力。

我們還看到一些國家正日益強盛。我們認為在21世紀,一個國家的安全和經濟增長不必以損害其他國家為代價,我知道,許多人都質疑我們對中國興盛的看法,但正如我說過的——在一個相互聯繫的世界上,實力不必用於你死我活的對抗,各國也無須憂懼他國的成功。發展相互合作的領域——而不是勢力範圍的相互競爭——將為亞太地區帶來進步。

如同與任何其他國家交往一樣,美國處理與中國的關係也以我們的利益為重點。但這正是為什麼我們在有共同利益的問題上要求與中國進行具有實效的合作,因為沒有任何一個國家可以單獨應付21世紀的各項挑戰。美國和中國如果能共同迎接挑戰,就能達到雙贏的結果。這也正是為什麼我們歡迎中國在世界舞臺上發揮更大的作用——這種作用要求在經濟日益增長的同時,相對應承擔更大的責任。事實證明,與中國的合作夥伴關係對於我們刺激經濟復甦的努力至關重要。中國增進了阿富汗和巴基斯坦的安全和穩定,現在正致力於全球防核武擴散制度,並支持朝鮮半島無核化的努力。

因此,美國並不尋求遏制中國,與中國深化關係也不意味著削弱我們與其他國家的雙邊聯盟。相反的,一個強大、繁榮的中國的崛起可以加強國際社會的力量。

因此,無論是在北京還是在別處,我們都將努力深化我們的「戰略與經濟對話」,同時增進雙方軍隊之間的交流。當然,我們不可能對所有的問題達成共識。為我們珍視的基本價值觀大聲疾呼,美國從來都不會動搖,其中包括尊重所有人民的宗教和文化,因為維護人權與人類尊嚴在美國已經根深蒂固。但是我們仍然可以本著合作的精神推動這些磋商,不再糾纏於相互的積怨。

除了我們的雙邊關係之外,我們認為多邊組織的發展也能夠增進這個地區的安全與繁榮。我瞭解,近年來美國與此類組織的關係疏遠,因此希望在此明確表示:那些日子一去不復返了。作為一個亞太國家,美國期待著參與事關本地區前途的討論,並隨著有關組織的建立和發展全力參與。

這就是我要在本次出訪中開始做的工作。亞太經濟合作論壇將繼續促進本地區的商務和繁榮。我期盼著今晚出席該論壇的會議。東南亞國家協會將繼續是推動東南亞對話、合作與安全的動力,我期盼著成為與東協所有10個成員國的領導人會晤的第一位美國總統。隨著東亞高峰會在因應當代挑戰的過程中發揮作用,美國期待著以更正式的方式與之接觸。

我們尋求這種更加深入與廣泛的接觸,因為我們知道我們共同的未來取決於這種接觸。我想稍微談一下這樣的未來將是一種什麼景象,我們必須為促進我們的繁榮、我們的安全、我們的普遍價值觀與願望做些什麼。

首先,我們必須加強我們的經濟復甦,追求實現平衡與永續的成長。

亞太地區國家和其他國家迅速採取前所未有和協調一致的行動,避免了一場經濟災難,有助於我們開始擺脫這一場幾代以來最嚴重的衰退。我們為改革國際經濟結構採取了具有歷史意義的舉措,因此20國集團現已成為國際經濟合作的主要平台。

重心轉向20國集團 –– 加上亞洲國家在國際金融機構獲得更大的發言權 –– 明確顯示美國力求在21世紀進行更廣泛和更具有包容性的接觸。日本作為8國集團(G-8)的一個重要會員國,已經並將繼續為建設未來的國際金融結構發揮重要作用。

目前我們已經開始經濟復甦,但還須保證經濟復甦的力道得以持續下去。我們顯然不能再走導致全球衰退的「繁榮與泡沫」惡性循環的老路。我們不能再依循會造成失衡成長的同樣的政策。這次經濟衰退給予我們的重要教訓之一是,主要依靠美國消費者和亞洲出口來推動經濟成長存在著種種限制。因為一旦美國人身陷債務或失去工作,對亞洲商品的需求就會驟然下降。需求大幅度下跌,這個地區的出口也會大幅度下滑。由於這個地區的經濟如此依賴出口,成長就會隨之停滯。結果只會進一步加深全球的衰退。

我們現在已經處在歷史上罕見的轉捩點之一,我們在這裏有機會走上一條不同的道路。這條道路必須以我們在匹茲堡20國集團會議上作出的保證為起點,採取新的策略實現經濟平衡增長。

我在新加坡會多談一下這個問題,但是在美國,這項新策略意味著增加儲蓄和撙節開支,改革我們的金融體系,降低我們的長期赤字。這還意味著進一步以出口為重點,從而我們可以進行製造、生產並行銷全世界。對於美國來說,這是一項創造就業的策略。目前,我們的出口支援了美國千百萬個待遇優厚的工作。只要略增加出口就有可能創造出數百萬個工作機會。這些工作包羅萬象,從製造風力渦輪、太陽能電板到你們每天使用的技術等。

對亞洲而言,取得這種更好的平衡將為勞工階層和消費者提供一個機會,使之能夠享受由他們大幅度提高生產率而帶來的更高的生活水準。這種平衡還有助於增加住宅、基礎設施和服務業的投資。一個更平衡的全球經濟將使更大範圍內的更多人因經濟繁榮而受益。

數十年來,美國市場是世界上開放程度最高的市場之一,這種開放帶動這個地區和其他地區的許多國家在上個世紀取得了成功。在這個新時代,開放全球各地的其他市場對美國以及世界的繁榮都至關重要。

此項新策略的一個不可或缺的部分,是努力達成一項雄心勃勃的、平衡的多哈協定——這不是一項普通的協議,而是一項能夠在世界各地開放市場和增加出口的協議。我們已經做好準備,與我們的亞洲夥伴合作,尋求及時達到此一目標——我們邀請亞太地區的貿易夥伴和我們一道參加談判。

我們還認為,這個地區內各經濟體之間進一步整合將使我們各國的勞工階層、消費者和企業受益。我們將與我們的友邦韓國合作,共同處理需要解決的問題,推進與他們達成貿易協議的工作。美國還將與跨太平洋夥伴關係國家接觸,以達成一項地區性協定,這項協定將擁有眾多會員,並達到21世紀貿易協定所應有的高標準。

透過夥伴關係共同努力——這將是我們繼續推動經濟復甦、創造共同繁榮的方式。但是,僅僅追求平衡的成長還不夠,我們還需要確保能夠永續成長——為了我們的地球,也為了將在地球上生活的子孫後代。

在過去10個月中,美國在對抗氣候變遷方面採取的措施已經超過了多年來所有努力的總和,這些措施包括:接受科學論證,投資於新能源,提高節能標準,締結新的夥伴關係,參加有關氣候變化的國際談判。總之,美國意識到有更多的工作要做——而我們正在履行我們的責任,並將繼續這樣做。

這包括努力在哥本哈根會議取得成功。我深知任務艱巨,並不存有幻想,但前進的道路是明確的。所有國家都必須承擔其責任。那些排放量名列前茅的國家——包括我自己的國家——必須制定明確的減排目標。開發中國家也必須在財政和技術的支持下採取實質行動減少排放。對於各國在國內採取的行動,必須保持透明度和建立問責制度。

我們每一個國家都必須盡最大努力做到在發展經濟的同時不危及我們的地球——我們必須共同完成這項任務。令人欣慰的是,如果我們建立合理的規則與獎勵機制,就會激發最出色的科學家、工程師和創業者的創造力,從而帶來新的就業機會、新的企業和新的行業。 在這方面,日本歷來名列前茅。在我們為實現這個重要的全球目標而努力之際,我們期待著與你們結成重要的夥伴。

但是,即使在因應21世紀這一挑戰的同時,我們也必須作出加倍努力,遏制20世紀給我們遺留的安全威脅——核子武器的危險。

我在布拉格重申美國決心在世界上消除核武器,並為達到這一目標提出了一項全面計畫。我對日本參與這樣的努力行動感到欣慰,因為地球上沒有任何國家比這兩個國家更懂得這些武器所帶來的後果,因此我們必須共同尋求一個無核武的未來。這對我們共同的安全至關重要,這對我們共通的人道是巨大的考驗。我們的未來與此息息相關。

現在,但我必須說明:只要這些武器仍然存在,美國就將保持強大和有效的核威懾力,為我們的盟國——包括日本和韓國——提供防禦保障。

但是,我們必須認識到,軍備競賽在這個地區的加劇將會破壞幾十年來不斷擴大的安全與繁榮。因此,我們必須堅持《不擴散核武器條約》的基本協定,即所有國家都享有和平使用核能的權利;擁有核武器的國家有責任採取核裁軍行動;未擁有核武器的國家則有責任放棄謀求這類武器。

的確,日本已為世界作出榜樣,它顯示,真正的和平與實力可以透過這條道路實現。幾十年來,日本在不發展核武器的同時,已經享受到核能源和平用途的種種好處——無論從任何意義加以衡量,這都使日本更加安全,處境更加有利。
為履行我們的責任——並且推動我在布拉格提出的計畫,我們在日本的幫助下,一致通過了一項聯合國安理會的決議,支持這一國際行動。我們正在爭取與俄羅斯就削減我們的核庫存量達成一項新協定。我們將為使《禁止核子試驗條約》獲得批准並生效而努力。在明年核安全高峰會上我們將推動的目
標是,在4年之內使全世界所有處境危險的核材料得到妥善管理。

如我前面所說,加強全球核不擴散機制並不是針對具體國家。它的目的是要讓所有國家履行責任。這其中包括伊朗伊斯蘭共和國,也包括北韓。

幾十年以來,北韓選擇走衝突與挑釁的道路,包括謀求核武器。這條道路通向何方應該是一目了然的。我們加強了對平壤的制裁。我們通過了目前為止內容最廣泛的聯合國安理會決議,限制其從事與大規模毀滅性武器有關的活動。我們不會被威脅嚇倒,我們將繼續用行動而不僅僅是言辭發出明確資訊:北韓拒絕承擔其國際責任只會導致減少而不是增進安全。

但還有另外一條路可以選擇。和我們的合作夥伴攜手努力——並在直接外交的支持下——美國準備為北韓提供一個不同的前景。北韓可以改變受孤立的處境和嚴重壓迫其人民的行為,實現融入國際社會的前景。北韓能夠擺脫深度的貧困,開創一個充滿經濟機遇的前景——讓貿易、投資和旅遊業帶給北韓人民一個改善生活的機會。北韓也可以不再感到越來越不安全,從而獲得更加安全、更受尊重的前景。好戰的態度無法贏得這種尊重。一個國家只有透過全面履行其國際義務,成為國際大家庭的一員,才能實現這個目標。

北韓實現上述前景的道路是明確的:重返六方會談;履行已作出的承諾,包括重新加入《不擴散核武器條約》;以全面、可驗證的方式實現朝鮮半島無核化。只有在向日本家庭公佈被綁架日本人的全部情況後,才可能和其鄰國全面實現關係正常化。北韓政府如果願意改善本國人民的生活並加入國際大家庭,就需要採取上述各項措施。

我們在保持警覺應對這一挑戰的同時,將和我們所有的亞洲夥伴共同對抗21世紀的跨國威脅:剷除殺害無辜的極端主義份子,制止威脅我們海上通道的海盜活動;加強我們防治傳染病的努力,並努力在我們這個時代消除極端貧困;阻斷販運份子壓榨婦女、兒童和移民的活動,一勞永逸地消除這種現代奴役的禍害。毫無疑問,我們必須共同努力的最後一個問題是,維護全人類的基本權利和尊嚴。

亞太地區的文化豐富多元,以深厚的傳統和悠久的民族歷史為鮮明的特徵。我們一次又一次地看到這個地區的人民推動人類進步的卓越才華和進取精神。但有一點也很清楚——對人權的尊重並沒有削弱本土文化和經濟成長,實際上還發揮了促進作用。捍衛人權能夠保障以其他任何方式都難以換取的持久安全——這是日本民主的寫照,同時也是美國民主的寫照。

對自由與尊嚴的嚮往是全人類所共有的。因為人類擁有一些共同的追求:自由表達自己的思想,自主推選領導人;有獲取資訊的能力,能按照自己的意願信仰宗教;對法治的信任以及司法平等。這些對實現穩定並不構成障礙,而是穩定的支柱。我們將永遠和追求這些權利的人站在一起。

這條真理為我們對緬甸的新政策指明了方向。儘管多年來用心良苦,但不論是美國實行的制裁,還是其他方面進行的接觸,都未能改善緬甸人民的生活。因此,我們現在直接向緬甸領導人清楚地表明,在出現向民主改革邁進的確實步驟前,現行制裁措施將會繼續下去。我們支持一個統一、和平、繁榮和民主的緬甸。緬甸在向這個方向邁進的過程中,有可能與美國改善關係。

有一些明確的步驟是必須採取的——無條件釋放包括翁山蘇姬在內的所有政治犯;結束與少數民族的衝突;以及在政府、民主反對派和少數民族之間就未來共同的願景展開真正的對話。惟有如此,緬甸政府才能響應緬甸人民發出的呼聲。這也是將給緬甸帶來真正安全與繁榮的道路。

這些都是美國為進一步促進亞太地區的繁榮、安全和人類尊嚴將採取的步驟。我們將透過與日本的親密友誼來實施這些步驟。我們在亞太地區進行努力的過程中,與日本的友誼將永遠處於中心地位。我們將以合作夥伴的身份這樣做——透過我今天談到的更廣泛的接觸。我們將以身為一個太平洋國家的方式這樣做——這個國家的總統曾經在某種程度上受到地球上這個地區的影響。我們將懷著近50年來指引我們與日本人民關係的同樣的意志這樣做。
這些關係的歷史可追溯到上世紀中葉,太平洋地區的戰火熄滅後不久。就是在那個時候,美國對日本的安全與穩定所作的承諾,連同日本人民的應變能力和勤奮精神造就了人們所稱的「日本奇蹟」——全世界在相當長一段時間內聞所未聞的經濟快速強勁成長的時期。

在其後幾年乃至數十年的時間裏,這一奇蹟擴展到整個地區,在短短一世代的時間內,億萬人民的生活和命運得到前所未有的改善。這方面的進步是在來之不易的和平環境中取得的,促使這一廣袤地區的各國緊密相聯的相互理解的新橋樑也會進一步增強這方面的進步。

但我們知道,仍有工作需要做——促使科技的新突破在太平洋兩岸創造就業機會;防止地球日益暖化;使我們能遏制致命武器的擴散;在一個分裂的半島上,南方的人民能擺脫恐懼,北方的人民再不感到匱乏;讓年輕女孩不因個人外貌而是因其聰明才智受到重視,世界各地的年輕人都能充分發揮自己的才能、自己的動能,在自己選擇的道路上成長。

這一切都不可能一帆風順,也不可能不經歷挫折或掙扎。但在此萬象更新的時刻——在這片產生奇蹟的土地上——歷史告訴我們,這是有可能做到的。這是美國的目標。這是我們與日本,與本地區各國和人民建立夥伴關係的目的。毫無疑問,作為美國的首位心繫太平洋的總統,我向你們承諾,這個太平洋國家將增強並持續保持我們在世界此一極其重要地區的主導地位。十分感謝各位。
  • 張貼: Jolan November 14, 2009 11:17PM
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